Danzig
Neutral Sources Document Why Germany Invaded Poland
John Wear from InconvenientHistory.com writes:
Most historians state that Germany’s invasion of Poland was
an unprovoked act of aggression designed to create Lebensraum and
eventually take control of Europe. According to conventional historians, Adolf
Hitler hated the Polish people and wanted to destroy them as his first step on
the road to world conquest.[1]
British historian Andrew Roberts, for example, writes:[2]
“The Polish Corridor, which had been intended by the
framers of the Versailles Treaty of 1919 to cut off East Prussia from the rest
of Germany, had long been presented as a casus belli by the
Nazis, as had the ethnically German Baltic port of Danzig, but, as Hitler had
told a conference of generals in May 1939, 'Danzig is not the real issue. The
real point is for us to open up our Lebensraum to the east and
ensure our supplies of foodstuffs.”'
British historian Richard J. Evans writes:[3]
“In 1934, when Hitler had concluded a 10-year
non-aggression pact with the Poles, it had seemed possible that Poland might
become a satellite state in a future European order dominated by Germany. But,
by 1939, it had become a serious obstacle to the eastward expansion of the
Third Reich. It therefore had to be wiped from the map, and ruthlessly
exploited to finance preparations for the coming war in the west.”
This article uses non-German sources to document that,
contrary to what most historians claim, Germany’s invasion of Poland was
provoked by the Polish government’s acts of violence against its ethnic German
minority.
Historical Background
Polish Foreign Minister Józef Beck accepted an offer from
Great Britain on March 30, 1939, that gave an unconditional unilateral
guarantee of Poland’s independence. The British Empire agreed to go to war as
an ally of Poland if the Poles decided that war was necessary. In words drafted
by British Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax, Neville Chamberlain spoke in the
House of Commons on March 31, 1939, declaring:[4]
“I now have to inform the House… that, in the event of
any action which clearly threatened Polish independence and which the Polish
government accordingly considered it vital to resist with their national
forces, His Majesty’s Government would feel themselves bound at once to lend
the Polish government all support in their power. They have given the Polish
government an assurance to that effect.”
Great Britain’s unprecedented “blank check” to Poland led to
increasing violence against the German minority in Poland. The book Polish
Acts of Atrocity against the German Minority in Poland answers the
question why the Polish government allowed such atrocities to happen:[5]
“The guarantee of assistance given Poland by the British government was the agent which lent impetus to Britain’s policy of encirclement. It was designed to exploit the problem of Danzig and the Corridor to begin a war, desired and long-prepared by England, for the annihilation of Greater Germany. In Warsaw, moderation was no longer considered necessary, and the opinion held was that matters could be safely brought to a head.
England was backing this diabolical game, having guaranteed the 'integrity' of the Polish state. The British assurance of assistance meant that Poland was to be the battering ram of Germany’s enemies. Henceforth, Poland neglected no form of provocation of Germany and, in its blindness, dreamt of 'victorious battle at Berlin’s gates.'
Had it not been for the encouragement of the English war
clique, which was stiffening Poland’s attitude toward the Reich and whose
promises led Warsaw to feel safe, the Polish government would hardly have let
matters develop to the point where Polish soldiers and civilians would
eventually interpret the slogan to extirpate all German influence as an
incitement to the murder and bestial mutilation of human beings.”
Most of the outside world dismissed this book as nothing
more than Nazi propaganda used to justify Hitler’s invasion of Poland. However,
as we will see in this article, the violence against Poland’s ethnic Germans
that led to Hitler’s invasion of Poland has been well-documented by numerous
non-German sources.
American Sources
American historian David Hoggan wrote that German-Polish
relationships became strained by the increasing harshness with which the Polish
authorities handled its German minority. More than 1 million ethnic Germans
resided in Poland, and these Germans were the principal victims of the
German-Polish crisis in the coming weeks. The Germans in Poland were subjected
to increasing doses of violence from the dominant Poles. Ultimately, many
thousands of Germans in Poland paid for this crisis with their lives. They were
among the first victims of Britain’s war policy against Germany.[6]
On August 14, 1939, the Polish authorities in East Upper Silesia
launched a campaign of mass arrests against the German minority. The Poles then
proceeded to close and confiscate the remaining German businesses, clubs and
welfare installations. The arrested Germans were forced to march toward the
interior of Poland in prisoner columns. The various German groups in Poland
were frantic by this time, and they feared that the Poles would attempt the
total extermination of the German minority in the event of war. Thousands of
Germans were seeking to escape arrest by crossing the border into Germany. Some
of the worst recent Polish atrocities included the mutilation of several
Germans. The Poles were warned not to regard their German minority as helpless
hostages who could be butchered with impunity.[7]
William Lindsay White, an American journalist, recalled that
there was no doubt among well-informed people that, by August 1939, horrible
atrocities were being inflicted every day on the ethnic German minority of
Poland. White said that a letter from the Polish government claiming that no
persecution of the Germans in Poland was taking place had about as much
validity as the civil liberties guaranteed by the 1936 constitution of the
Soviet Union.[8]
Donald Day, a well-known Chicago Tribune correspondent,
reported on the atrocious treatment the Poles had meted out to the ethnic
Germans in Poland:[9]
“I traveled up to the Polish Corridor where the German
authorities permitted me to interview the German refugees from many Polish
cities and towns. The story was the same. Mass arrests and long marches along
roads toward the interior of Poland. The railroads were crowded with troop
movements. Those who fell by the wayside were shot. The Polish authorities
seemed to have gone mad. I have been questioning people all my life, and I
think I know how to make deductions from the exaggerated stories told by people
who have passed through harrowing personal experiences. But even with generous
allowance, the situation was plenty bad. To me the war seemed only a question
of hours.”
Hoggan wrote that the leaders of the German minority in
Poland repeatedly appealed to the Polish government for mercy during this
period, but to no avail. More than 80,000 German refugees had been forced to
leave Poland by August 20, 1939, and virtually all other ethnic Germans in
Poland were clamoring to leave to escape Polish atrocities.[10]
British Ambassador Nevile Henderson in Berlin was concentrating on obtaining recognition from Halifax of the cruel fate of the German minority in Poland. Henderson emphatically warned Halifax on August 24, 1939, that German complaints about the treatment of the German minority in Poland were fully supported by the facts. Henderson knew that the Germans were prepared to negotiate, and he stated to Halifax that war between Poland and Germany was inevitable unless negotiations were resumed between the two countries.
Henderson pleaded with Halifax that it would be contrary to Polish
interests to attempt a full military occupation of Danzig, and he added a
scathingly effective denunciation of Polish policy. What Henderson failed to
realize is that Halifax was pursuing war for its own sake as an instrument of
policy. Halifax desired the complete destruction of Germany.[11]
On August 25, 1939, Ambassador Henderson reported to Halifax
the latest Polish atrocity at Bielitz, Upper Silesia. Henderson never relied on
official German statements concerning these incidents, but instead based his
reports on information he had received from neutral sources. The Poles
continued to forcibly deport the Germans of that area, and compelled them to
march into the interior of Poland. Eight Germans were murdered and many more
were injured during one of these actions. Henderson deplored the failure of the
British government to exercise restraint over the Polish authorities.[12]
Hoggan wrote that Hitler was faced with a terrible dilemma.
If Hitler did nothing, the Germans of Poland and Danzig would be abandoned to
the cruelty and violence of a hostile Poland. If Hitler took effective action
against the Poles, the British and French might declare war against Germany.
Henderson feared that the Bielitz atrocity would be the final straw to prompt
Hitler to invade Poland. Henderson, who strongly desired peace with Germany,
deplored the failure of the British government to exercise restraint over the
Polish authorities.[13]
Hitler invaded Poland to end the atrocities against the
German minority in Poland. American historian Harry Elmer Barnes agreed with
Hoggan’s analysis. Barnes wrote:[14]
“The primary responsibility for the outbreak of the
German-Polish War was that of Poland and Britain, while for the transformation
of the German-Polish conflict into a European War, Britain, guided by Halifax,
was almost exclusively responsible.”
Barnes further stated:[15]
“It has now been irrefutably established on a documentary
basis that Hitler was no more responsible for war in 1939 than the Kaiser was
in 1914, if indeed as responsible...Hitler’s responsibility in 1939 was far
less than that of Beck in Poland, Halifax in England, or even Daladier in
France.”
Other Sources
Dutch historian Louis de Jong wrote that on March 25, 1939,
windows were smashed in the houses of many ethnic Germans in Posen and Kraków,
and in those of the German embassy in Warsaw. German agricultural co-operatives
in Poland were later dissolved and many German schools were closed down, while
ethnic Germans who were active in the cultural sphere were taken into custody.
Around the middle of May 1939, in one small town where 3,000 ethnic Germans
lived, many household effects in houses and shops were smashed to bits. The
remaining German clubs were closed in the middle of June.[16]
De Jong wrote that, by mid-August 1939, the Poles proceeded
to arrest hundreds of ethnic Germans. German printing shops and trade union
offices were closed, and numerous house-to-house searches took place. Eight
ethnic Germans who had been arrested in Upper Silesia were shot to death on
August 24 during their transport to an internment camp.[17]
On August 7, 1939, the Polish censors permitted the
newspaper Illustrowany Kuryer Codzienny in Kraków
to feature an article of unprecedented recklessness. The article stated that
Polish units were constantly crossing the German frontier to destroy German
military installations, and to carry confiscated German military equipment into
Poland. The Polish government allowed this newspaper, with one of the largest
circulations in Poland, to tell the world that Poland was instigating a series
of violations of her frontier with Germany.[18] The Polish newspaper Kurier
Polski also declared in banner headlines that “Germany Must Be
Destroyed!”, while negotiations with Hitler were still in progress during
August 1939.[19]
Polish Ambassador to America Jerzy Potocki unsuccessfully attempted to persuade Polish Foreign Minister Józef Beck to seek an agreement with Germany. Potocki later succinctly explained the situation in Poland by stating “Poland prefers Danzig to peace.”[20]
Polish armed forces
Commander-in-Chief Edward Rydz-Smigly also declared that Poland was prepared to
fight even without allies if Germany touched Danzig. Rydz-Smigly declared that
every Polish man and woman of whatever age would be a soldier in the event of
war.[21]
British Royal Navy Capt. Russell Grenfell was highly
critical of Britain’s unilateral unconditional guarantee of Poland’s
independence. He said that, in general, special territorial guarantees were a
means by which a great Power could turn its challengers into world criminals. Grenfell
wrote:[22]
“This would have worked out very awkwardly for Britain in
the days when she was the challenging power; as, for example, against Spain in
the 16th century, Holland in the 17th, and Spain and France in the 18th.”
Grenfell was also critical of Britain’s guarantee of
Poland’s independence because a guarantee is itself a challenge. He wrote that
a guarantee “publicly dares a rival to ignore the guarantee and take the
consequences; after which it is hardly possible for that rival to endeavor to
seek a peaceful solution of its dispute with the guaranteed country without
appearing to be submitting to blackmail.” Grenfell said that a guarantee may
therefore act as an incitement to the very major conflict which it is
presumably meant to prevent.[23] This is exactly what happened in
the case of Britain’s guarantee of Poland’s independence.
Aftermath of Invasion
The Germans in Poland continued to experience an atmosphere
of terror in the early part of September 1939. Throughout the country the
Germans had been told, “If war comes to Poland, you will all be hanged.” This
prophecy was later fulfilled in many cases.[24]
The famous bloody Sunday incident in Toruń on September 3,
1939, was accompanied by similar massacres elsewhere in Poland. These massacres
brought a tragic end to the long suffering of many ethnic Germans. This
catastrophe had been anticipated by the Germans before the outbreak of war, as
reflected by the flight, or attempted escape, of large numbers of Germans from
Poland. The feelings of these Germans were revealed by the desperate slogan,
“Away from this hell, and back to the Reich!”[25]
American historian Dr. Alfred-Maurice de Zayas writes
concerning the ethnic Germans in Poland:[26]
“The first victims of the war were Volksdeutsche,
ethnic German civilians, resident in and citizens of Poland. Using lists
prepared years earlier, in part by lower administrative offices, Poland
immediately deported 15,000 Germans to Eastern Poland. Fear and rage at the
quick German victories led to hysteria. German 'spies' were seen everywhere,
suspected of forming a fifth column. More than 5,000 German civilians were
murdered in the first days of the war. They were hostages and scapegoats at the
same time. Gruesome scenes were played out in Bromberg on September 3, as well
as in several other places throughout the province of Posen, in Pommerellen,
wherever German minorities resided.”
Hitler had planned to offer to restore sovereignty to the
Czech state and to western Poland as part of a peace proposal with Great
Britain and France. German Minister of Foreign Affairs Joachim von Ribbentrop
informed Soviet leaders Josef Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov of Hitler’s
intention in a note on September 15, 1939. Stalin and Molotov, however, sought
to stifle any action that might bring Germany and the Allies to the conference
table. They told Ribbentrop that they did not approve of the resurrection of
the Polish state. Aware of Germany’s dependency on Soviet trade, Hitler
abandoned his plan to reestablish Polish statehood.[27]
Conclusion
Hitler’s invasion of Poland was forced by the Polish
government’s intolerable treatment of its German population. No other national
leader would have allowed his fellow countrymen to similarly suffer and die
just across the border in a neighboring country.[28] Germany did not invade Poland
for Lebensraum or any other malicious reason.
However, even British leaders who had worked for peace later
claimed that Hitler was solely responsible for starting World War II. British
Ambassador Nevile Henderson, for example, said that the entire responsibility
for starting the war was Hitler’s. Henderson wrote in his memoirs in 1940:[29]
“If Hitler wanted peace, he knew how to insure it; if he
wanted war, he knew equally well what would bring it about. The choice lay with
him, and in the end the entire responsibility for war was his.”
Henderson forgot in this passage that he had repeatedly
warned Halifax that the Polish atrocities against the German minority in Poland
were extreme. Hitler invaded Poland in order to end these atrocities.
A version of this article was originally published in the
May/June 2022 issue of The Barnes Review.
Endnotes
Roland, Marc, “Poland’s Censored Holocaust,” The
Barnes Review in Review: 2008-2010, p. 131. |
||||
Roberts, Andrew, The Storm of War: A New History
of the Second World War, New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2011, pp.
18-19. |
||||
Evans, Richard J., The Third Reich at War
1939-1945, London: Penguin Books Ltd., 2008, p. 11. |
||||
Barnett, Correlli, The Collapse of British Power,
New York: William Morrow, 1972, p. 560; see also Taylor, A.J.P., The
Origins of the Second World War, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1961, p.
211. |
||||
Shadewaldt, Hans, Polish Acts of Atrocity Against
the German Minority in Poland, Berlin and New York: German Library of
Information, 2nd edition, 1940, pp. 75-76. |
||||
Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful
Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1989,
pp. 260-262, 387. |
||||
Ibid., pp. 452-453. |
||||
Ibid., p. 554. |
||||
Day, Donald, Onward Christian Soldiers,
Newport Beach, Cal.: The Noontide Press, 2002, p. 56. |
||||
Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful
Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1989,
pp. 358, 382, 388, 391-92, 479. |
||||
Ibid., pp. 500-501, 550. |
||||
Ibid., pp. 509-510. |
||||
Ibid., p. 509 |
||||
Barnes, Harry Elmer, Barnes against the Blackout,
Costa Mesa, Cal.: The Institute for Historical Review, 1991, p. 222. |
||||
Ibid., pp. 227, 249. |
||||
Jong, Louis de, The German Fifth Column in the
Second World War, New York: Howard Fertig, 1973, pp. 36-37. |
||||
Ibid, p. 37. |
||||
Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful
Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1989,
p. 419. |
||||
Irving, David, Goebbels: Mastermind of the Third
Reich, London: Focal Point Publications, 1996, p. 304. |
||||
Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful
Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1989,
p. 419. |
||||
Ibid., p. 396. |
||||
Grenfell, Russell, Unconditional Hatred: German
War Guilt and the Future of Europe, New York: The Devin-Adair Company,
1954, p. 86. |
||||
Ibid., pp. 86-87. |
||||
Hoggan, David L., The Forced War: When Peaceful
Revision Failed, Costa Mesa, Cal.: Institute for Historical Review, 1989,
p. 390. |
||||
Ibid. |
||||
De Zayas, Alfred-Maurice, A Terrible Revenge: The
Ethnic Cleansing of the East European Germans, 2nd edition,
New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006, p. 27. |
||||
Tedor, Richard, Hitler’s Revolution, Chicago:
2013, pp. 160-161. |
||||
Roland, Marc, “Poland’s Censored Holocaust,” The
Barnes Review in Review: 2008-2010, p. 135. |
||||
Henderson, Sir Nevile, Failure of a Mission,
New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1940, p. 227. |
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Author(s): |
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Title: |
Neutral Sources Document Why Germany Invaded Poland |
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Sources: |
A version of this article was originally published in the
May/June 2022 issue of The Barnes Review. |
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Dates: |
published: 2022-08-22, first posted: 2022-08-22 13:30:13 |
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